The Epstein Connection: Unveiling the Covert Export of Israeli Spy Technologies

In October 2015, Aryan de Rothschild, CEO of the Swiss banking group Edmond de Rothschild, signed a $25 million contract with Southern Trust, a financial consulting firm. While the contract ostensibly aimed to provide ‘risk analysis and execution of specific algorithms’, the underlying reality was far more complex. Southern Trust served as a financial cover for Jeffrey Epstein, the American financier embroiled in underage sex trafficking allegations, who suspiciously died in prison in 2019.

Remarkably, Epstein invested in a security startup linked to the Israeli regime called Reporty, later renamed Carbyne, which specializes in emergency response and cyber surveillance technologies. Ehud Barak, former Prime Minister and Minister of Defense of Israel, was one of the primary investors and CEO of this company. In November 2025, the American company Axon, a leading manufacturer of law enforcement equipment, acquired Carbyne for $625 million.Emails that unveiled the connections emerged in November 2013, when Epstein wrote to Ehud Barak: ‘If Ehud wants to make a lot of money, he must build a relationship with me.’ This statement was attributed to Aryan de Rothschild. Barak replied, ‘I am ready, but how?’ Epstein outlined a four-word strategy: ‘Time, attention, stability, repetition.’ This correspondence, later disclosed among thousands of documents released by the U.S. Department of Justice, Congressional oversight committees, and various whistleblower platforms, was not merely a friendly chat; it indicated the existence of a hidden channel for marketing and exporting Israeli surveillance and cyber espionage technologies.

Official exports and informal pathways for Israeli cyber technologies are subject to a defense export control regime. According to a 2007 law, any export of defense equipment requires a permit from the Defense Export Control Agency (DECA). For instance, the spyware Pegasus, developed by NSO Group, is classified as a cyber weapon, necessitating special authorization for any sale. However, the same law offers a crucial loophole: restrictions can be bypassed if ‘diplomatic or security interests’ are at stake. Furthermore, the list of countries authorized to purchase and items eligible for export remains completely confidential and has expanded without public notification.Internationally, the Wassenaar Arrangement aims to regulate the trade of cyber intrusion tools, but this agreement is non-binding, and Israel is not a member, claiming only unilateral adherence to its standards. Even officials from the Israeli regime have implicitly acknowledged that the export of spy technologies is politically motivated. The use of Pegasus licenses as a diplomatic bargaining tool exemplifies this approach. Nevertheless, the documents related to Epstein reveal channels that extend beyond the official pathways.

The power triangle: Epstein, Barak, and banking assets. An examination of the documents reveals that this network was built on three main pillars:

1. The Intermediary: Jeffrey Epstein was not merely a financier; he was the nexus between capital, politics, and technology. His emails show that in May 2014, he encouraged Barak to meet with Peter Thiel, founder of Palantir and a prominent figure in American surveillance technologies. In February 2016, Epstein introduced the company Reporty to the Valar Ventures fund. Although the proposal was rejected at that time, in 2018, Thiel’s Founders Fund participated in a second round of fundraising for Carbyne. One of Epstein’s accounts recorded over 4,725 transactions totaling $1.1 billion, highlighting a massive financial capacity to support such projects.2. The Government Figure: Ehud Barak quickly transitioned to private consulting after leaving office in March 2013. He signed a $600,000 annual contract with Swiss bank Julius Baer, acquiring the title of ‘strategic advisor’. In foreign negotiations, he continued to carry the credibility of a high-ranking security official. For example, in September 2013, a 13-page proposal for establishing a national eavesdropping system in Ivory Coast was sent in his name, including phone, satellite, radio, and internet interception.

3. The Financial Infrastructure: Swiss private banks do not directly engage in arms transactions but can create legal and financial structures that obscure the flow of money. Consulting contracts convert intermediary fees into ‘professional fees’, allowing banking networks to facilitate fund transfers away from public scrutiny.The Mission in Abidjan: How Ivory Coast Became the Epicenter of Disclosure. In 2012, Alassane Ouattara, President of Ivory Coast, traveled to Jerusalem to meet with Ehud Barak and Benjamin Netanyahu. Simultaneously, Epstein was meeting with Ouattara’s son and later his nephew in New York. After Barak left office, the communications did not cease. In August 2013, he traveled to Abidjan. The cover story for the trip involved a hospital construction project; however, prior to that, the private intelligence firm Ergo was tasked with preparing a security dossier regarding Ivory Coast’s defense structure.

In April 2014, Ouattara dissolved the old intelligence agency and established a new entity under his direct supervision. Just weeks later, the United Nations arms embargo against the country was lifted. In May of that year, Barak met with the Ivorian ambassador, and shortly thereafter, a formal defense agreement was signed between the two parties. In 2018, Citizen Lab confirmed the use of Pegasus spyware in Ivory Coast.A similar scenario unfolded in Mongolia in April 2013, when Barak traveled to Ulaanbaatar. The official purpose was to explore business opportunities, but emails indicate the primary agenda was to prepare the Mongolian market for the entry of Israeli cyber technologies. Epstein coordinated from New York. The International Peace Institute, led by Terje Rød-Larsen, also became involved, proposing the formation of an advisory council for institutional reforms in Mongolia. In May 2014, Barak sent a military note with the official insignia of the Israeli regime, which included enhancements to SIGINT, HUMINT, VISINT, drone systems, and mobile network surveillance, despite holding no official position at that time. In September 2015, Epstein hosted a dinner at his home attended by the President and Foreign Minister of Mongolia. In 2017, both parties signed a security cooperation agreement.A Network Beyond a Sexual Scandal: The revelation of Rød-Larsen’s personal loan from Epstein in 2013 ultimately led to his resignation from the International Peace Institute in 2020. However larger questions remain:

Did unofficial channels operate prior to formal pathways paving the way for governmental agreements? Were exports of Israeli cyber espionage technologies directed through a parallel network of financiers banks and former officials? What was Epstein’s true role in this intricate web?

What has been disclosed thus far represents only a fragment of a complex reality. The ‘black box’ of Epstein’s secrets appears to still hold information that could unveil new dimensions of the connections between power capital and the Israeli cyber espionage industry.